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This volume examines contemporary political relations between Turkey and the Middle East. In the light of the Arab Uprisings of 2011, the Syria Crisis, the escalation of regional terrorism and the military coup attempt in Turkey, it illustrates the dramatic fluctuations in Turkish foreign policy towards key Middle Eastern countries, such as Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Syria and Iraq. The contributors analyze Turkey’s deepening involvement in Middle Eastern regional affairs, also addressing issues such as terrorism, social and political movements and minority rights struggles. While these problems have traditionally been regarded as domestic matters, this book highlights their increasingly regional dimension and the implications for the foreign affairs of Turkey and countries in the Middle East.
In recent years, Türkiye’s foreign policy has been driven by efforts to reset relations with regional competitors in theMiddle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Against a backdrop of disruption caused by the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as well as the redefinition of the US role in the region, Ankara’s renewed diplomatic activism has been guided by the willingness to break from regional isolation, as well as the need to relieve Türkiye’s deteriorating economy. How did Türkiye ditch its ideological approach in the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings to adopt a more pragmatic stance? And how is the process of rapprochement with other key actors in the MENA region playing out – namely Gulf monarchies, Israel and Egypt?
This book explores the complexity of the Syrian question and its effects on the foreign policies of Russia, Iran, and Turkey. The Syrian crisis has had a major effect on the regional order in the Middle East. Syria has become a territory where the rivalry between Russia and Western powers is being played out, and with the West’s gradual withdrawal, the conflict will without a doubt have lasting effects locally and on the international order. This collection focuses on the effects of the Syrian crisis on the new governance of the Middle East region by three political regimes: Russia, Iran, and Turkey. Many articles and a number of books have been written on this conflict, which has lasted over ten years, but no publication has examined simultaneously and comparatively how these three states are participating in the shared management of the Syrian conflict.
Examines Turkey's expanding role in international affairs, especially Ankara's profile in the Middle East, arguing that, despite the role Turkey sees for itself in Europe, it cannot ignore the region. Turkish interests in the context of the Gulf War and the Arab-Israeli dispute are analyzed.
Preface -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Background -- 3. Historical and Geostrategic Context -- 4. Turkey, the Kurds, and Relations with Iraq -- 5. Turkey and Iran -- 6. Turkey, Syria, and the Water Crisis -- 7. Turkey and the Middle East Peace Process -- 8. Conclusion: Turkey's Future Role in the Middle East -- Conference Participants -- About the Author -- About the Institute.
In the first work documenting Anglo-Turkish relations in the Middle East in the early Cold War period, Mustafa Bilgin identifies two very distinct stages in the relationship between Britain and Turkey. Before 1952 Turkey relied heavily on Britain to protect it from the 'Soviet menace'. In return for Britain's support, Turkey acted as an honest broker in Britain's increasingly difficult relations with key Middle Eastern states such as Egypt, Iran and Iraq. However Turkey's realisation that it could not rely on Britain, encouraged by Britain's blocking of Turkish membership of NATO in 1952, led to a new alliance between Turkey and the US. This is the first book to understand the development of the Cold War in the Middle East by exploring the Turkish case. 'Britain and Turkey in the Middle East' is crucial to grasping the nature of Western strategy in general and British and Turkish strategy in particular during the crucial early years of the Cold War.
Economic Research Forum for the Arab Countries, Iran, and Turkey
Author : Economic Research Forum for the Arab Countries, Iran, and Turkey Publisher : Page : 0 pages File Size : 26,48 MB Release : 1998 Category : Africa, North ISBN :
In the aftermath of the Great Recession in 2008-09, the European economies were dramatically affected. The UK (United Kingdom) economy could not completely recover, and loss of employment soared. The unemployment rate increased from 5.26 percent in 2007 to around 8.04 in 2011, which is a remarkable change for a developed economy like the UK. Afterward, British citizens started to accuse migrant workers from the EU countries of stealing their jobs. At this point, it should be noted that, in the 2010s, an annual average of more than 100 thousand EU citizens migrated to the UK for work. Along with these developments, in 2013, David Cameron—the Conservative Prime Minister of the coalition government from 2010 to 2015—promised a referendum on leaving the European Union if his party wins the election in 2015. When the Conservative Party won the election in 2015 and took office with no coalition partners, the referendum was held on 23 June 2016, which resulted in 51.9 percent of the votes in favor of leaving the EU. After the referendum and following the negotiation period with the EU, the UK officially left the European Union, a process known as “Brexit”, on 31 January 2020. The name “Brexit” comes from the combination of two words: Britain and exit. Note that Britain–referring to Great Britain–and the UK are used interchangeably in the Brexit literature, however, there is a difference between these two specifications. Britain encompasses the geographical areas of England, Scotland and Wales, whereas The UK includes Northern Ireland in addition to Britain. There is also the term British Isles, which refers to all the areas belonging to the UK and the Republic of Ireland. Following the exit, many countries have stressed the possible impacts the exit would have on their economies. Even if the UK and the EU sign a free trade agreement that abolishes taxes or customs duties, the trade volume will be affected negatively. That is because the EU countries will be required from now on to do some extra paperwork to be able to import from or export to the UK. For some goods, exporters will need to get some special licenses and certificates. Before Brexit, international trade between the EU and the UK had been like a domestic trade without any bureaucracy, which has come to an end. Also, the free trade agreement does not prevent either side from imposing tariffs on imported goods in the future. In addition, labor mobility will be limited because of the visa requirements for the citizens traveling between the EU and the UK. Therefore, the coming period poses many threats to the relations between European and British economies.
International Strategic Research Center (ISRO – USAK) proudly announces the release of the report named “Turkey’s Power Capacity in the Middle East: Limits of the Possible” which is prepared by Osman Bahadir Dincer, USAK expert on Middle Eastern affairs, and Mustafa Kutlay, USAK expert on political economy; with the contribution of top-notch academics and USAK researchers from various fields of study. The previous version of the report in Turkish was published in May and introduced to a wide range of audience, from media organs to diplomats, through a conference held in USAK seminar hall. This latter version in English aims to open a new window towards the issues at glance for international researchers as well, by enabling the reader to bypass popular qualitative speculations and have a more clear vision of the quantitative aspect of Turkey’s power projection capabilities in the Middle Eastern theatre through a tri-color prism of diplomacy, economics and soft power. The arguments about whether Turkey is a role model in the Middle East or has attained the level of an “order establishing actor” are frequently voiced in print and visual media, but no systematic empirical analysis of these claims seems to have been carried out. This study sets out to fill this gap. Turkey’s capacity as a regional power is examined empirically, with special emphasis placed on the structural components of Turkey’s growing regional influence, and on the basis of data regarding its diplomatic, economic, and soft power components. This study concludes that Turkey is a country suffering from an “expectations-capabilities gap” in the Middle East, and that until the deficiencies identified in the study are remedied, Turkey will be unable to become a regional leader.