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This book examines the historical, cultural and political dimensions of the crisis in Bosnia and the international efforts to resolve it. It provides a detailed analysis of international proposals to end the fighting, from the Vance-Owen plan to the Dayton Accord, with special attention to the national and international politics that shaped them. It analyzes the motivations and actions of the warring parties, neighbouring states and international actors including the United States, the United Nations, the European powers, and others involved in the war and the diplomacy surrounding it. With guides to sources and documentation, abundant tabular data and over 30 maps, this should be a definitive volume on the most vexing conflict of the post-Soviet period.
This book examines the historical, cultural and political dimensions of the crisis in Bosnia and the international efforts to resolve it. It provides a detailed analysis of international proposals to end the fighting, from the Vance-Owen plan to the Dayton Accord, with special attention to the national and international politics that shaped them. It analyzes the motivations and actions of the warring parties, neighbouring states and international actors including the United States, the United Nations, the European powers, and others involved in the war and the diplomacy surrounding it. With guides to sources and documentation, abundant tabular data and over 30 maps, this should be a definitive volume on the most vexing conflict of the post-Soviet period.
Boston, November 5, 1995 The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an unheard-of tragedy. Before the eyes of the entire world, a state is being destroyed, and the people (population) of a nation are suffering the genocide and ethnic cleansing. All the principles of humanity, morals, and international rules have been trampled. The question most often asked is, how could that happen today when the genocide committed during World War II is so well known (the Holocaust) and when the international community had the will and the means to protect the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina? The international community has shown that it is not the enemy of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that it accepts this state into its membership when it recognized the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina on April 7, 1992. With that act, the international community stood up against the Serbian nationalism, which only started to bloody its hands in Bosnia and Herzegovina. So how come that in the fall of 1995, after the innumerable atrocities committed by the Serbs revolted the world, the international community crossed over to the side of the war criminals, giving them 49 percent of Bosnia and Herzegovina with its Dayton peace proposals? Who was the mastermind who succeeded to change the world opinion and what methods did he use? This book answers some of those questions. The reading of this book has to be approached with having faith in no one but a common sense. Besides that, from the reader who comprehends what is truly happening in Bosnia, it is expected that he/she spreads the truth. The ultimate goal is to help in the fight against the forces of betrayal and the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Wishing to arm the Bosnian patriots as soon as possible with the knowledge of what is really happening, this book is being written in a hurry. I still hope that this book will reach Bosnians and friends of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina all over the world before it is too late and while it is still possible to say no to the division of a member of the United Nations.
Rwanda and Bosnia both experienced mass violence in the early 1990s. Less than ten years later, Rwandans surprisingly elected the world's highest level of women to parliament. In Bosnia, women launched thousands of community organizations that became spaces for informal political participation. The political mobilization of women in both countries complicates the popular image of women as merely the victims and spoils of war. Through a close examination of these cases, Marie E. Berry unpacks the puzzling relationship between war and women's political mobilization. Drawing from over 260 interviews with women in both countries, she argues that war can reconfigure gendered power relations by precipitating demographic, economic, and cultural shifts. In the aftermath, however, many of the gains women made were set back. This book offers an entirely new view of women and war and includes concrete suggestions for policy makers, development organizations, and activists supporting women's rights.
The book is about the peace implementation process in Bosnia-Herzegovina viewed, or interpreted reasonably, as a continuation of war by other means. Twenty years after the beginning of the Dayton peace accords, we need to summarize the results: the author shares the general agreement in public opinion, according to which the process is a failure. Pehar presents a broad, yet sufficiently detailed, view of the entire peace agreement implementation that preserves 'the state of war,' and thus encourages the war-prone attitudes in the parties to the agreement. He examines the political and narratological underpinnings to the process of the imposed international (predominantly USA) interpretation of the Dayton constitution and peace treaty as a whole. The key issue is the – perhaps only semi-consciously applied – divide ut imperes strategy. After nearly twenty years, the peace in document was not translated into a peace on the ground because, with regard to the key political and constitutional issues and attitudes, Bosnia remains a deeply divided society. The book concludes that the international supervision served a counter-purpose: instead of correcting the aberration and guarding the meaning that was originally accepted in the Dayton peace treaty, the supervision approved the aberration and imposed it as a new norm under the clout of 'the power of ultimate interpretation.'
This book punctures once and for all common excuses for Western inaction in the face of incontrovertible evidence of the most egregious crimes against humanity to occur in Europe since World War II.
The war that has riven Bosnia-Herzegovina is the most ferocious carnage to blight Europe since the fall of the Third Reich. It has shocked, challenged, but ultimately baffled the world. This account of the war boils down the labyrinth of violence to a horribly simple story: the humiliation, decimation and betrayal of the Bosnian Muslims by two rival Balkan powers, and then by the international community.
An English translation of sociological, cultural, and medical essays recounts the horrifying testimony of mass rape, sexual enslavement, systematic impregnation, and torture of Muslim, Croatian, and Serbian women and girls.
Wars come and go across the headlines and television screens, but for those who survive them, scarred and scattered, they never end. This is a book about post-conflict irresolution, about the lives of those who survived the gulag of concentration camps in north-western Bosnia and about seeking justice for Bosnia today. But justice is not Reckoning. The book finds that the survivors are lost not only geographically, but in history – betrayed in war, and also in peace.
Boston, November 5, 1995 The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an unheard-of tragedy. Before the eyes of the entire world, a state is being destroyed, and the people (population) of a nation are suffering the genocide and ethnic cleansing. All the principles of humanity, morals, and international rules have been trampled. The question most often asked is, how could that happen today when the genocide committed during World War II is so well known (the Holocaust) and when the international community had the will and the means to protect the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina? The international community has shown that it is not the enemy of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that it accepts this state into its membership when it recognized the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina on April 7, 1992. With that act, the international community stood up against the Serbian nationalism, which only started to bloody its hands in Bosnia and Herzegovina. So how come that in the fall of 1995, after the innumerable atrocities committed by the Serbs revolted the world, the international community crossed over to the side of the war criminals, giving them 49 percent of Bosnia and Herzegovina with its Dayton peace proposals? Who was the mastermind who succeeded to change the world opinion and what methods did he use? This book answers some of those questions. The reading of this book has to be approached with having faith in no one but a common sense. Besides that, from the reader who comprehends what is truly happening in Bosnia, it is expected that he/she spreads the truth. The ultimate goal is to help in the fight against the forces of betrayal and the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Wishing to arm the Bosnian patriots as soon as possible with the knowledge of what is really happening, this book is being written in a hurry. I still hope that this book will reach Bosnians and friends of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina all over the world before it is too late and while it is still possible to say no to the division of a member of the United Nations.