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Since 1969, the United Kingdom always has always had one submarine armed with nuclear-tipped ballistic missiles underwater, undetected, in constant communication, ready at a set notice to fire at targets anywhere in the world. This is part of its Trident Programme, which includes the development, procurement, and operation of the current generation of British nuclear weapons, as well as the means to deliver them. Operated by the Royal Navy and based at Clyde Naval Base on Scotland’s west coast, it is the most expensive and most powerful capability of the British military forces. In 2016, the United Kingdom had to decide on whether to go ahead and build the next generation of nuclear submarines that will allow the UK to remain in the nuclear business well into the second half of this century. The book presents the political, cultural, technical, and strategic aspects of Trident to provide a thoughtful overview of the UK’s complex relationship with nuclear weapons. The authors, both scholars and practitioners, bring together diverse perspectives on the issue, discussing the importance of UK nuclear history as well as the political, legal, and diplomatic aspects of UK nuclear weapons—internationally and domestically. Also addressed are the new technical, military, and strategic challenges to the UK nuclear thinking and strategy.
This book investigates the UK’s nuclear weapon policy, focusing in particular on how consecutive governments have managed to maintain the Trident weapon system. The question of why states maintain nuclear weapons typically receives short shrift: its security, of course. The international is a perilous place, and nuclear weapons represent the ultimate self-help device. This book seeks to unsettle this complacency by re-conceptualizing nuclear weapon-armed states as nuclear regimes of truth and refocusing on the processes through which governments produce and maintain country-specific discourses that enable their continued possession of nuclear weapons. Illustrating the value of studying nuclear regimes of truth, the book conducts a discourse analysis of the UK’s nuclear weapons policy between 1980 and 2010. In so doing, it documents the sheer imagination and discursive labour required to sustain the positive value of nuclear weapons within British politics, as well as providing grounds for optimism regarding the value of the recent treaty banning nuclear weapons.
Given the profound changes in international politics over past years, nuclear strategy clearly needs rethinking. Toward a Nuclear Peace analyzes the future of nuclear weapons in the defence policy of the United States and the European nuclear powers. The first part of the book, U.S. nuclear policy, considers the benefits and risks of further nuclear arms control, proposing specific recommendations for force structure, targeting, and strategic defence to enhance regional deterrence. The second part, European nuclear policy, discusses the future of nuclear weapons from British, French, and Russian perspectives. Toward a Nuclear Peace provides a most valuable service, filling a critical gap in current thinking by outlining both a short-and long-term future for nuclear forces.
“An excellent contribution to the debate on the future role of nuclear weapons and nuclear deterrence in American foreign policy.” ―Contemporary Security Policy This book is a counter to the conventional wisdom that the United States can and should do more to reduce both the role of nuclear weapons in its security strategies and the number of weapons in its arsenal. The case against nuclear weapons has been made on many grounds—including historical, political, and moral. But, Brad Roberts argues, it has not so far been informed by the experience of the United States since the Cold War in trying to adapt deterrence to a changed world, and to create the conditions that would allow further significant changes to U.S. nuclear policy and posture. Drawing on the author’s experience in the making and implementation of U.S. policy in the Obama administration, this book examines that real-world experience and finds important lessons for the disarmament enterprise. Central conclusions of the work are that other nuclear-armed states are not prepared to join the United States in making reductions, and that unilateral steps by the United States to disarm further would be harmful to its interests and those of its allies. The book ultimately argues in favor of patience and persistence in the implementation of a balanced approach to nuclear strategy that encompasses political efforts to reduce nuclear dangers along with military efforts to deter them. “Well-researched and carefully argued.” ―Foreign Affairs
Leading international security scholars and policy advisors from universities, think-tanks, and nuclear weapons laboratories in the United States analyze the future of nuclear weapons proliferation. In April 1995, the earlier 1970 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was renewed indefinitely and without change to the original clauses of the treaty. The authors examine the continuing relevance or irrelevance of the old treaty, the role of coercive sanctions in enforcing restraint, and the impact of biological, chemical and missile proliferation on the nuclear motives and ambitions of various states. Attention is given to proliferation conditions in the former Soviet republics, East and South Asia and the Middle East.
In December 2003 the British government announced that within a few years it would need to take decisions about the future of Britain's strategic nuclear deterrent. Exactly three years later, its plans were revealed in a White Paper. The existing Trident system is to be given a life-extension, which includes building new submarines to carry the missiles, costing £15–20 billion. Britain has a substantial nuclear legacy, having owned nuclear weapons for over half a century. The strategic context for the deterrent has changed completely with the end of the Cold War, but nuclear weapons retain much of their salience. This Adelphi Paper argues that it makes sense to remain a nuclear power in an uncertain and nuclear-armed world. Given that deterrence needs are now less acute, but more complex than in the past, the paper asserts that deterrence also needs to be aligned with non-proliferation policies, which seek to reduce the scale of threats that need to be deterred. Somewhat overlooked in current policy are appropriate measures of defence, which can raise the nuclear threshold and, if required, mitigate the effects of deterrence failure. It concludes that the government's decisions about the future form of the deterrent are very sensible, but cautions that they still need to be integrated into a broader policy that embraces diplomacy, deterrence and defence to counter the risks posed by nuclear proliferation.
" ""The threat or use of nuclear weapons would generally be contrary to the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict, and in particular the principles and rules of humanitarian law ... There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control."" - Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, 8 July 1996 ""This book shows how courageous states from the developing world, working in concert with visionary lawyers, physicians and other sectors of international civil society, boldly obtained astonishing results from the highest court in the world. The World Court clearly ruled that the threat or use of nuclear weapons is illegal in almost all conceivable circumstances. The Court further underlined the unconditional obligation of the nuclear weapon states to begin and conclude negotiations on nuclear disarmament in all its aspects. It is now up to all of us to determine the follow-up, whatever the opposition. We cannot end this century without clear commitments and steps to eliminate nuclear weapons."" - Razali Ismail, Permanent Representative of Malaysia to the United Nations, President of the United Nations General Assembly, 1996-1997 ""It is not often that a judicial opinion on a given question is both hailed and criticized by participants on all sides of the question. This book, written by a leading member of the team that helped to prepare the case on the illegality of the threat and use of nuclear weapons, explains succinctly what the World Court, and the judges in their separate statements, did and did not say. In so doing, it makes a compelling case for the proposition that the Opinion represents a milestone on the road to nuclear abolition."" - Peter Weiss, Co-President, International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms The 20th century has been defined in large part by the unleashing of the terrible destructive power of the atom, and the subsequent struggle to overcome the threat of nuclear annihilation. If humankind survives, the 8 July 1996 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, and the extraordinary process that led up to it, will have played an essential role. The (Il)legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons is a concise yet thorough guide to the case. In straightforward language, it describes the history of this unprecedented initiative and summarizes and explains states' arguments to the Court, the Court's findings, and the separate statements of the judges. The author provides cogent expert analysis and, most importantly, reveals how the opinion imparts hope and points the way to the future: "" The Court has authoritatively interpreted law which states acknowledge they must follow, including humanitarian law protecting civilians from indiscriminate effects of warfare, the United Nations Charter, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. The implications are profound: abandonment of reliance on the threat and use of nuclear weapons as an instrument of national policy, and expeditious elimination of nuclear arsenals. The opinion can be cited as an authoritative statement of the law in any political or legal setting - including the United Nations and national courts and parliaments - in which nuclear weapon policies are challenged."" John Burroughs, an attorney for the Western States Legal Foundation in California, served as the legal coordinator for the World Court Project/International Association of Lawyers Against Nuclear Arms at the November 1995 hearings before the International Court of Justice. "