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An in-depth examination of the evolving peace and security activities of the United Nations Secretary-General in the context of developments in international politics. The constraints and opportunities which the Office has experienced under Pérez de Cuéllar and Boutros-Ghali in the transition to the post-Cold War world and the controversy which has surrounded the Office reflects the volatility and uncertainty of the UN in a changing environment. It is argued that the Secretary-General's activities in the 1990s reflect a development of the international civil service beyond the classical model.
An in-depth examination of the evolving peace and security activities of the United Nations Secretary-General in the context of developments in international politics. The constraints and opportunities which the Office has experienced under Pérez de Cuéllar and Boutros-Ghali in the transition to the post-Cold War world and the controversy which has surrounded the Office reflects the volatility and uncertainty of the UN in a changing environment. It is argued that the Secretary-General's activities in the 1990s reflect a development of the international civil service beyond the classical model.
How has the role of the United Nations and its Secretary-General changed with the end of the Cold War? With the beginning of a New World Order? These questions are increasingly significant as the threat of nuclear-bloc confrontation is replaced by ethnic tensions and civil conflicts. In this first study of the office of the UN Secretary-General in this new era, Rivlin and Gordenker bring together leading scholars and practitioners to analyze these issues. The fifteen essays in this volume discuss the new complexity and salience of the role of the UN Secretary-General and its current incumbent, Boutros Boutros-Ghali. Not only is the role analyzed in relationship to a rapidly changing climate of world politics, but it is also examined in relationship to the backgrounds and experiences of the earlier Secretaries-General from Trygve Lie, Dag Hammarskjold, U Thant, and Kurt Waldheim, to Javier Perez de Cuellar. All those concerned with the UN, international organizations, and international administration will find this volume interesting reading.
The United Nations faced unprecedented opportunities and heightened expectations when the Cold War ended in 1990. By the time of the UN's fiftieth anniversary in 1995, the mood had shifted. Peacekeepers were bogged down in Bosnia and Somalia. Iraq continued to test the UN's resolve to enforce arms control inspections. In much of the world, the gap between haves and have-nots was increasing. Everyone agreed that UN reform was needed, yet the political will to effect change was absent. With unmet challenges throughout the world, the limits to UN power and effectiveness were being realized. From regional conflicts to areas of environmental degradation and human rights abuses, the UN's success depends more than ever on the way in which three dilemmas are resolved–the tensions between sovereignty and the reality of its erosion, between demands for global governance and the weakness of UN institutions (as well as the reluctance of states to commit), and between the need for leadership and the diffusion of power. In this second edition, the authors have undertaken major revisions along with thorough updating. They explore the three dilemmas in the context of the UN's evolving role in world politics, including its experience in maintaining peace and promoting development, environmental sustainability, and human rights–the focus of an entirely new chapter. They also consider the role of various actors in the UN system, from major powers (especially the United States), small and middle powers, coalitions, and nongovernmental organizations to the secretaries-general. The need for institutional reforms and specific proposals for reform are examined. Because multilateral diplomacy is now the norm rather than the exception in world politics, the UN's effectiveness has been challenged by the new demands of the post–Cold War era. This completely revised and updated text places the UN at the center of a set of core dilemmas in world politics and provides a series of case studies that probe the politics and processes of UN action.
The end of the Cold War triggered a historic shift in world politics, and nowhere was this more keenly felt than in the United Nations. This is an insider's account of that turbulent period. Lord Hannay, who, as Britain's representative to the UN, sat in the Security Council from the time of Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait until the Srebrenica massacre in Bosnia (1990-1995), gives a first hand view of events as they unfolded. Just weeks after George H.W. Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev's historic handshake, the UN was being asked to repel the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, to wind up a string of Third World proxy wars, and to find a solution to the challenges of environmental degradation and climate change. At first, the Five Permanent Members of the Security Council worked together to an unprecedented extent, with notable success.But as Hannay shows, little was done to prepare for the problems of state failure - in Somalia, in the former Yugoslavia, in Rwanda and in Afghanistan - which proved beyond the UN's capacity to handle and which frayed the solidarity of the main powers. Hannay subsequently joined the Secretary General's High Level Panel, and spearheaded the most ambitious attempt at reform of the organisation since it was founded in 1945. He recounts here with insight and candour why this programme came to be derailed. "New World Disorder" is an invaluable source of information for anyone seeking to understand the current structures, dynamics and trends of world politics. It is also a compelling account of one of the great turning points in world history, as seen from inside the eye of the storm
It has been 50 years since the UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjold mysteriously died in a plane crash in Africa. Williams uncovers new evidence to demonstrate conclusively that the horrific conflict in the Congo was driven not so much by internal divisions as by the Cold War and the West's determination to control post-colonial Africa.