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This is the first of a three-volume major project which aims to cover all aspects of the New World Order (NWO) of neoliberal globalisation, with its effort at full integration of every country in the world into this new order. The phasing out of economic and national sovereignty implied by this process has led to a global popular movement for sovereignty (ie: self-determination and against globalisation). The rise of the NWO and the role of the Transnational Elite, that is, the network of the economic and political elites which administers it, are examined in the first volume. Furthermore, the mythology used by the elites as well as by the globalist Left is examined. It was the full integration of the Left into the new order, which has led to its political bankruptcy and the rise of a neo-nationalist movement, embraced by most of the victims of globalisation and particularly the working class that used to support the Left. The need for a struggle for national as well as social liberation has become imperative today on the way to a new form of internationalism inspired by the principles of solidarity and mutual aid, rather than the catastrophic principles of competitiveness and profit-making, as at present.
Global governance is here--but not where most people think. This book presents the far-reaching argument that not only should we have a new world order but that we already do. Anne-Marie Slaughter asks us to completely rethink how we view the political world. It's not a collection of nation states that communicate through presidents, prime ministers, foreign ministers, and the United Nations. Nor is it a clique of NGOs. It is governance through a complex global web of "government networks." Slaughter provides the most compelling and authoritative description to date of a world in which government officials--police investigators, financial regulators, even judges and legislators--exchange information and coordinate activity across national borders to tackle crime, terrorism, and the routine daily grind of international interactions. National and international judges and regulators can also work closely together to enforce international agreements more effectively than ever before. These networks, which can range from a group of constitutional judges exchanging opinions across borders to more established organizations such as the G8 or the International Association of Insurance Supervisors, make things happen--and they frequently make good things happen. But they are underappreciated and, worse, underused to address the challenges facing the world today. The modern political world, then, consists of states whose component parts are fast becoming as important as their central leadership. Slaughter not only describes these networks but also sets forth a blueprint for how they can better the world. Despite questions of democratic accountability, this new world order is not one in which some "world government" enforces global dictates. The governments we already have at home are our best hope for tackling the problems we face abroad, in a networked world order.
This is a nonfiction book that explores the general ideas and realities of war and world peace. In this book, the author attempts to state the things we must do and the price we must pay for world peace if we intend to achieve it. The book contains the following chapters: The End of an Age - Open Conference - Disruptive Forces - Class-War - Unsated Youth - Socialism Unavoidable - Federation - The New Type of Revolution - Politics for the Sane Man - Declaration of the Rights of Man - International Politics - World Order in Being.
“Dazzling and instructive . . . [a] magisterial new book.” —Walter Isaacson, Time "An astute analysis that illuminates many of today's critical international issues." —Kirkus Reviews Henry Kissinger offers in World Order a deep meditation on the roots of international harmony and global disorder. Drawing on his experience as one of the foremost statesmen of the modern era—advising presidents, traveling the world, observing and shaping the central foreign policy events of recent decades—Kissinger now reveals his analysis of the ultimate challenge for the twenty-first century: how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historical perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology, and ideological extremism. There has never been a true “world order,” Kissinger observes. For most of history, civilizations defined their own concepts of order. Each considered itself the center of the world and envisioned its distinct principles as universally relevant. China conceived of a global cultural hierarchy with the emperor at its pinnacle. In Europe, Rome imagined itself surrounded by barbarians; when Rome fragmented, European peoples refined a concept of an equilibrium of sovereign states and sought to export it across the world. Islam, in its early centuries, considered itself the world’s sole legitimate political unit, destined to expand indefinitely until the world was brought into harmony by religious principles. The United States was born of a conviction about the universal applicability of democracy—a conviction that has guided its policies ever since. Now international affairs take place on a global basis, and these historical concepts of world order are meeting. Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously. Yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process or its ultimate destination. The result is mounting tension. Grounded in Kissinger’s deep study of history and his experience as national security advisor and secretary of state, World Order guides readers through crucial episodes in recent world history. Kissinger offers a unique glimpse into the inner deliberations of the Nixon administration’s negotiations with Hanoi over the end of the Vietnam War, as well as Ronald Reagan’s tense debates with Soviet Premier Gorbachev in Reykjavík. He offers compelling insights into the future of U.S.–China relations and the evolution of the European Union, and he examines lessons of the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Taking readers from his analysis of nuclear negotiations with Iran through the West’s response to the Arab Spring and tensions with Russia over Ukraine, World Order anchors Kissinger’s historical analysis in the decisive events of our time. Provocative and articulate, blending historical insight with geopolitical prognostication, World Order is a unique work that could come only from a lifelong policy maker and diplomat. Kissinger is also the author of On China.
This book proposes an encompassing view of the transition from international public health to global health, bringing together historians and anthropologists exploring the relationship between knowledge, practices and policies. Historical and anthropological studies of the governance of health outside Europe and North America leave us with two gaps. The first is a temporal gap between the historiography of international public health through the 1970s and the numerous current anthropological studies of global health. The second gap originates in problems of scale. Macro-inquiries of institutions and politics abound, as do micro-investigations of local configurations. The book interrogates these gaps through an engagement between the disciplines, the harnessing of concepts (circulation, scale, transnationalism) that cross both domains, and the selection of four domains of interventions and globalisation: tuberculosis, mental health, medical genetics and traditional (Asian) medicines.
The age of Western hegemony is over. Whether or not America itself is declining, the post-war liberal world order underpinned by US military, economic and ideological primacy and supported by global institutions serving its power and purpose, is coming to an end. But what will take its place? A Chinese world order? A re-constituted form of American hegemony? A regionalized system of global cooperation, including major and emerging powers? In this timely and provocative book, Amitav Acharya offers an incisive answer to this fundamental question. While the US will remain a major force in world affairs, he argues that it has lost the ability to shape world order after its own interests and image. As a result, the US will be one of a number of anchors including emerging powers, regional forces, and a concert of the old and new powers shaping a new world order. Rejecting labels such as multipolar, apolar, or G-Zero, Acharya likens the emerging system to a multiplex theatre, offering a choice of plots (ideas), directors (power), and action (leadership) under one roof. Finally, he reflects on the policies that the US, emerging powers and regional actors must pursue to promote stability in this decentred but interdependent, multiplex world. Written by a leading scholar of the international relations of the non-Western world, and rising above partisan punditry, this book represents a major contribution to debates over the post-American era.
A terrible war has been unleashed on the world, a war unlike any other. This is an unprecedented assault on humanity and therefore it requires an unprecedented response. We need to come together and unite like never before. The conventional concepts of protests, activism, demonstrations and marches that have worked in the past may require a new strategy for this particular crisis. This book is an effort to look at strategies that are proven effective that will guarantee our victory for future generations.
In this fully revised and updated new edition, leading political scientist Stephen Gill further develops his radical theory of the new world order to argue that as the globalization of power intensifies, so too do globalized forms of resistance. Including two new chapters, this widely adopted text offers alternatives to the current world order.
This book by A. Ralph Epperson purports to uncover hidden and sinister meanings behind all the symbols found on the Great Seal of the United States, committing America to "A Secret Destiny.
The benefits of the U.S-led order and the many international agreements that the United States has championed to open up the world to the free flow of goods, services, ideas, and people, no longer look so promising. This shift has caused a public backlash against globalization not only in the United States but also in many Western countries. The major powers either do not comprehend the risks of the current transitional period or they do not have a clear vision for a new international order that will be broadly acceptable and thus considered legitimate by most other states. With these concerns in mind, the Center for Preventive Action at the Council on Foreign Relations asked leading scholars from major power countries to address a common set of questions about the current international order.