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On subjects ranging from trade to democratization, there has lately been a wave of laments about China's development belying Western expectations. Yet these disappointments often come with misunderstandings of the very institutions that China was expected to adopt. Chinese taxation offers a sharp illustration. When China introduced a tax system suited for the market economy, it fully intended tax collection to rely on self-assessment, audits, and the rule of law. But this Western approach was quickly jettisoned in favour of one that emphasized monitoring of taxpayers and ex ante interventions, at the expense of deterrence and truthful reporting norms. The Chinese approach surprisingly matches recommendations made by recent economic scholarship on tax compliance and state capacity. China's massive but little-known explorations in taxation highlight the distinct types of modern state capacity, and raise challenging questions about the future of taxation and the superiority of institutions based on rule of law.
Increasingly, scholars believe that China's relative economic decline in the 18th and 19th Centuries -- relative to Western Europe and Japan -- and the subsequent collapse of the imperial system altogether had much to do with the Qing state's extraordinarily limited fiscal and administrative capacities. Contrary to the still surprisingly prevalent notion of "oriental despotism," the Qing was, in fact, an extremely low tax regime. The central element of state revenue, the agricultural tax, remained stagnant in total volume from the mid-18th Century to the end of the 19th, despite a near tripling of China's population and economy. Ultra-low levels of extraction from the rural economy helped mire the late-Qing state in a perpetual state of fiscal crisis and administrative weakness, stunting its industrial development and eventually destroying its political cohesion.Despite the crucial role that fiscal institutions played in the Qing's economic and political decline, their origins and foundations remain poorly understood. Most importantly, preexisting explanations struggle to explain the stagnation of agricultural taxes in the 19th Century, when the Qing state was under constant and severe pressure to expand its revenue base -- pressure that become almost unbearable after mid-century. Using this as an impetus, this book provides a new account of Qing fiscal legislation and policymaking that focuses on the interplay between political ideology and state institutions. It argues that the stubborn refusal to raise agricultural taxes was less a pragmatic response to the state's material circumstances than an ideological choice. Qing lawmakers locked agricultural tax quotas at very low levels not because they had to or could afford to, but because their ideological biases produced interpretations of real world events that emphasized -- overemphasized, for the most part -- the sociopolitical dangers associated with tax hikes.However, this was not a simple story in which "Confucianism" straightforwardly undermined Chinese politics and institutions. From the earliest decades of the dynasty, Qing elites operated under a fiscal mindset that, while vaguely “Confucian” in some sense, exhibited fundamental differences from what we observe in earlier dynasties. Whereas elites in previous dynasties often debated fiscal policy in highly moralistic terms -- whether, given the circumstances, government fiscal policy was inherently just or ethical -- the Qing state was overwhelmingly preoccupied with the perceived sociopolitical consequences of tax hikes. The dominant political belief among early Qing elites was simply that increasing agricultural taxes would trigger severe social unrest among the rural population, and must therefore be avoided out of basic political self-preservation.Qing fiscal policymaking was therefore unusually pragmatic and “realist,” but it was heavily ideological nonetheless. The idea that raising taxes would trigger social collapse and rebellion gained popularity in the early Qing largely because its “factual” explanation for Ming collapse, which placed much of the blame on a series of tax hikes in the early 17th Century, echoed and reinforced a longstanding moral skepticism towards government taxation passed down through the Confucian canon over two millennia. In their attempt to learn from the trauma of Ming collapse, early Qing elites committed to a new political “common sense” in which keeping tax burdens below the late Ming “red line” was considered a necessary condition for sociopolitical stability. This remained the dominant political wisdom throughout the dynasty, even though, by at least the mid-18th Century, its basic empirical assumptions about agricultural productivity and local living standards had become wildly inaccurate. In other words, the nominally “empirical” foundations of Qing political “realism” were themselves the product of ideological bias.A number of factors contributed to the longevity of these dubious empirics: First, the cognitive biases that facilitated their initial dissemination in the early Qing continued to influence elite thinking in later periods. Throughout the dynasty, they interpreted -- misinterpreted, most of the time -- almost any sign of local unrest as evidence that tax were already too high. More interestingly, the belief in ultra-low taxation was institutionally and intellectually self-perpetuating: political elites commonly believed that the very act of surveying would generate social speculation of potential tax hikes, and was therefore politically dangerous in the same way that actual tax hikes were dangerous. As a result, the state's last systematic attempt to measure agricultural production and land usage occurred in 1689, and the imperial court banned land surveys from 1730 onwards. This was an unprecedented move: every major Chinese dynasty before the Qing had conducted land surveys with some regularity, and were able to convert that knowledge into much higher levels of fiscal extraction. The Qing state, in contrast, knew disturbingly little about its economy for the final 223 years of its existence. Without clear information to the contrary, however, the conventional assumption that tax increases would push rural income below subsistence levels, and therefore trigger severe unrest, was politically impossible to refute. By stunting the state's capacity to collect information, anti-taxation arguments created an institutional and intellectual environment in which competing ideas were unlikely to emerge, and even less likely to persuade. As a result, policymakers remained committed for nearly two centuries to fiscal practices that they believed were necessary for political survival -- but were, in fact, a major cause of the dynasty's decline and fall.
Author : Carla De Pietro Publisher : Kluwer Law International B.V. Page : 625 pages File Size : 49,88 MB Release : 2024-03-06 Category : Law ISBN : 9403532076
To some extent, because of his overlapping careers in academia and politics, the renowned tax scholar Peter Essers is known for his influential insight that ‘the effects of taxation on the political balance of power, and vice versa, are always interlinked with other phenomena, such as wars, crises, religious developments and inequalities in society’. In this widely ranging festschrift, thirty-six prominent tax scholars from all across Europe examine the legacy of Peter Essers’ research interests, from the larger philosophical, political, and social factors driving tax history to the reality of the taxing State as experienced by taxpayers and tax officials. The book’s outstanding overview of the most relevant technical and policy aspects of European and international taxation includes deeply thoughtful chapters on such topics and issues as the following: developing sustainable corporate tax governance; tax whistleblowing; transfer pricing; balancing qualitative and quantitative approaches to tax research; necessity to reach something close to ‘equal treatment’ between the upper and lower social classes; consent and democracy; tax rebellions; tax evasion and tax avoidance; taxation of cross-border remote workers and their employers; mitigation of double taxation of income earned by entertainers and sportspersons; and the international tax treaty network. More than a homage to this scholar’s far-reaching contributions, this book is remarkable for the variety and academic rigour of the chapters. The understanding its authors provide of both the broad contours and the intricacies of European and international taxation will be of inestimable value to tax practitioners, policymakers, tax consultants, and academics, as well as interested researchers in economics, political science, and sociology.
This book integrates legal, economic, and administrative materials about value added tax. Its principal purpose is to provide comprehensive teaching tools - laws, cases, analytical exercises, and questions drawn from the experience of countries and organizations from all areas of the world. It also serves as a resource for tax practitioners and government officials that must grapple with issues under their VAT or their prospective VAT. The comparative presentation of this volume offers an analysis of policy issues relating to tax structure and tax base as well as insights into how cases arising out of VAT disputes have been resolved. The authors have expanded the coverage to include new VAT related developments in Europe, Asia, Africa and Australia. A chapter on financial services has been added as well as an analysis of significant new cases.
The Nature, the Performance, and the Reform of State-owned Enterprises provides a detailed description of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in China with respect to both efficiency and income distribution. It shows that state ownership in the form of SOEs does not use resources efficiently and has a poor record in income distribution. Moreover, SOEs are found to enjoy unfair advantages in their competition with other firms. To illustrate the point, the book presents data revealing how favored policies, monopolistic powers, and subsidies benefit SOEs. These advantages are worth several trillion yuans a year. It is a sad irony that such wealth of the people is used to beef up the revenues of the SOEs, making their accounts look much better than they should be.This book, with its rich empirical data and information, is an authoritative reference for researchers interested in SOEs. It is also a good read for students of social sciences and the public to learn more about SOEs.
In the early twentieth century, the Chinese state made strenuous efforts to broaden and deepen its authority over rural society. This book is an ambitious attempt to offer both a method and a framework for analyzing Chinese social history in the state-making era. The author constructs a prismatic view of village-level society that shows how marketing, kinship, water control, temple patronage, and other structures of human interaction overlapped to form what he calls the cultural nexus of power in local society. The author's concept of the cultural nexus and his tracing of how it was altered enables us for the first time to grapple with change at the village level in all its complexity. The author asserts that the growth of the state transformed and delegitimized the traditional cultural nexus during the Republican era, particularly in the realm of village leadership and finances. Thus, the expansion of state power was ultimately and paradoxically responsible for the revolution in China as it eroded the foundations of village life, leaving nothing in its place. The problems of state-making in China were different from those of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe; the Chinese experience heralds the process that would become increasingly common in the emergent states of the developing world under the very different circumstances of the twentieth century.
How will China reform its economy as it aspires to become the next economic superpower? It's clear that China is the world's next economic superpower. But what isn't so clear is how China will get there by the middle of this century. It now faces tremendous challenges such as fostering innovation, dealing with ageing problem and coping with a less accommodative global environment. In this book, economists from China's leading university and America's best-known think tank offer in depth analyses of these challenges. Does China have enough talent and right policy and institutional mix to transit from input-driven to innovation-driven economy? What does ageing mean, in terms of labor supply, consumption demand and social welfare expenditure? Can China contain the environmental and climate change risks? How should the financial system be transformed in order to continuously support economic growth and keep financial risks under control? What fiscal reforms are required in order to balance between economic efficiency and social harmony? What roles should the state-owned enterprises play in the future Chinese economy? In addition, how will technological competition between the United States and China affect each country's development? Will the Chinese yuan emerge as a major reserve currency, and would this destabilize the international financial system? What will be China's role in the international economic institutions? And will the United States and other established powers accept a growing role for China and the rest of the developing world in the governance of global institutions such as the World Trade Organization and the International Monetary Fund, or will the world devolve into competing blocs? This book provides unique insights into independent analyses and policy recommendations by a group of top Chinese and American scholars. Whether China succeeds or fails in economic reform will have a large impact, not just on China's development, but also on stability and prosperity for the whole world.
China's continuing rapid economic growth and expanding involvement in global affairs pose major implications for the power structure of the international system. To more accurately and fully assess the significance of China's emergence for the United States and the global community, it is necessary to gain a more complete understanding of Chinese security thought and behavior. This study addresses such questions as: What are China's most fundamental national security objectives? How has the Chinese state employed force and diplomacy in the pursuit of these objectives over the centuries? What security strategy does China pursue today and how will it evolve in the future? The study asserts that Chinese history, the behavior of earlier rising powers, and the basic structure and logic of international power relations all suggest that, although a strong China will likely become more assertive globally, this possibility is unlikely to emerge before 2015-2020 at the earliest. To handle this situation, the study argues that the United States should adopt a policy of realistic engagement with China that combines efforts to pursue cooperation whenever possible; to prevent, if necessary, the acquisition by China of capabilities that would threaten America's core national security interests; and to remain prepared to cope with the consequences of a more assertive China.