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Elaborating on the likely form and extent of PeSCo, this Chaillot Paper not only sketches out the historical metamorphosis of PeSCo but it also looks more specifically at how it could change the operational and capability development dynamics of EU defence cooperation. The paper is not primarily occupied with questions about its finalité politique, but it is rather an analytical guide to assist experts and lay readers alike navigate the major operational and capability issues at stake.
Is the European Union's Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) providing a coherent and comprehensive effort to achieve "strategic autonomy" in military capabilities or is it just a collection of miscellaneous initiatives under one umbrella? Is PESCO likely to pursue only temporary political results or does it manifest the potential to overturn the transatlantic order? This thesis approaches these research questions from three perspectives: the political, the operational, and the inventorial. It analyzes official statements about PESCO for the political side, reports from field missions for the operational side, and the arsenals of PESCO participants for the inventorial aspects. PESCO participants support only a limited European strategic autonomy, relying on NATO for collective defense. PESCO addresses several operational shortfalls, but not the most important ones: air lift and air refueling. PESCO contains several projects for replacing non-EU capabilities, mostly land systems. PESCO participants will remain dependent on outside sources for air systems, partly because PESCO does not contribute to closing the technological gap with American companies. In summary, PESCO does not provide European strategic autonomy but contributes to improving the military capabilities of its participants. Given the current situation, even this represents progress.
This book argues that security and defense have never been true priorities in the European Union, and have constantly been marginalized by the elites since the Soviet Union collapsed and the Warsaw Pact disintegrated. Despite the official rhetoric, only a few tangible results can be presented concerning the operational readiness of European forces, and the EU’s inability to act was proven during the crises in the Balkans, NATO has experienced similar problems, as the majority of its members are EU countries. Both organizations have declared their resolve concerning the security and defense of their nations and territories, but, unfortunately, little has been done to lend these statements credence. In this context, the book analyzes several aspects of EU security and defense, including: the EU – NATO relationship, common defense policy and strategy, common capability building, common understanding of strategic changes, common operational planning and centrally synchronized exercises based on operational planning, etc. The member states have helped to make EU/NATO effective organizations, but unfortunately their individual interests and priorities constitute real challenges. This aspect should be discussed and addressed by political and military elites, scholars, analysts, students and the general public alike.
Permanent defense co-operation is a whole new policy that became possible in 2009. It was excluded from the areas of joint action in the EU after the prolonged and destructive war resulting from the negotiation of a new Europe. PESCO aims to create the modern capabilities of the EU rather than grouping or uniting outdated capabilities. By implementing modern projects, it will be possible to create battle platforms and capabilities that are world-class. The Republic of Bulgaria joined the new Permanent Structured Co-operation (PESCO) - a permanent EU military structure related to the implementation of military cooperation for joint development of armaments and proclamation of joint procurement for the modernization of the army equipment, as well as participation in joint exercises of the armed forces.
One year after the British vote on Brexit, the Member States of the European Union seem to be on the verge of waking the 'Sleeping Beauty' of European defence: permanent structured cooperation (PESCO). Do they have the same understanding of its intended goals and of the ways forward or means of achieving them, or are they simply motivated by the desire not to end up on the edges of the sort of Eurogroup for defence that is being set up? What are the specific areas of agreement and disagreement between the groups taking shape in the European Council? Have any debates intentionally or unintentionally been glossed over and, if so, which ones? Lastly, what are the desirable scenarios for the months and years to come? Is there still time to change things or has the die been cast? The purpose of this study is to answer those questions.