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This is the first study of the National Revolution as the expression of Vichy's ideology and aims. It reveals the variety and complexity of both right wing and other strands of French thought in the context of the turbulent years of the 1930s when Vichy's history really begins, and under the Occupation, when internal rivalries and divisions, as well as the pressures of war, doomed Vichy's programme of national regeneration. The book is structured around a consideration of the rhetoric of right-wing ideology and such key catchwords as 'decadence', 'action', 'order', 'realism' and 'new man', and shows how these phrases only served to mask the political and ideological incoherence of the Vichy government.
This thesis analyses plans for national regeneration in Vichy France through ideals that inspired them and the forces that shaped them during the 1930s and under the German Occupation. The thesis argues that Vichy's National Revolution was a complex mixture of reform agendas that cannot be understood as a single programme or coherent philosophy. Neverthless, the National Revolution had ambitious aims to build a new political culture, reshape economic and power structures, change the pattern of social order and redefine French national identity; aims that reveal important continuities in French political and intellectual history. The thesis shows that, both before and after the defeat of 1940, the language of regeneration was a unifying force for the right and gave the impression of consensus, especially in times of crisis.
France fell to Nazi Germany in June 1940. Vichy, the collaborationist, right-wing regime that arose following France's capitulation, believed defeat resulted from a decadent social and political culture, whose origins resided in the republican values of liberty, equality, and fraternity. Headed by Marshal Philippe Petain, the Vichy regime rejected republicanism and pursued a utopian vision to fundamentally remake France, beginning with French men. While some historians have explored Vichy's hopes of making a so-called New Man, relatively few have considered the means by which Vichy strove to make its New Man a living, breathing reality. This thesis draws upon school textbooks published by the Vichy regime to show how national regeneration and historical revisionism in French education worked hand in hand to bring Vichy's New Man to life, one child at a time.
This book, first published in 1985, examines various aspects of the intellectual achievements of writers and artists in the Vichy period; a strong emphasis on the ambiguity of much of their work emerges from the research. It goes a long way in answering the question of what it was like living under the fascist Vichy regime, and what the collaborators and resistance thought about their purpose and patriotism.
Basing his work on French and German archives as well as on interviews and private correspondence, Sweets examines the French response to the Vichy government and Nazi occupation by studying Vichy's application of their experiment to the city of Clermont-Ferrand.
"A strong and disturbing account of the Vichy period, demonstrating how in the interests of stability, French national feeling favored collaboration with the German-controlled regime"--Publisher's description.
The creators of the Vichy regime did not intend merely to shield France from the worst effects of military defeat and occupation; rather the leaders of Vichy were inspired by a will to regenerate France, to establish an authoritarian new order that would repair the degenerative effects of parliamentary democracy and liberal society. Their plan to effect this change took the form of a far-reaching programme they called the National Revolution. This is the first study of the National Revolution as the expression of Vichy's ideology and aims. It reveals the variety and complexity of both right wing and other strands of French thought in the context of the turbulent years of the 1930s - when Vichy's history really begins - and under the Occupation, when internal rivalries and divisions, as well as the pressures of war, doomed Vichy's programme of national regeneration. The book is structured around a consideration of the rhetoric of right-wing ideology and such key catchwords as 'decadence', 'action', 'order', 'realism' and 'new man', and shows how these phrases only served to mask the political and ideological incoherence of the Vichy government.
Pétain's Jewish Children examines the nature of the relationship between the Vichy regime and its Jewish citizens in the period 1940 to 1942. Previous studies have generally viewed the experiences of French Jewry during the Second World War through the lenses of persecution, resistance, or rescue; an approach which has had the unintended effect of stripping Jewish actors of their agency. This volume, however, draws attention to the specific category of French Jewish youth which reveals significant exceptions to Vichy's antisemitic policies, wherein the regime's desire for a reinvigorated youth and the rebirth of the nation took precedence over its racial laws. While Jews were becoming marginalised from the civil service and liberal professions, the New Order did not seek to exclude young French Jews from participating in a series of youth projects that aimed to rebuild France in the aftermath of its defeat to Germany. For example, the Jewish scouts' emphasis on manual work and a return to the land ensured that it was looked upon favourably by Vichy, who rewarded the scouts financially. Similarly, young French Jews were called up to take part in the Chantiers de la Jeunesse, Vichy's alternative to compulsory military service. In considering the roles of some of Vichy's lesser known ministers with responsibilities for youth, for whom antisemitism was not a priority, Pétain's Jewish Children illuminates the tensions between Vichy's ambition for national regeneration and its racial policies, rendering any simple account of its antisemitism misleading. While hindsight may point to the contrary, this volume shows that the emergence of the new regime did not signal the beginning of the end for French Jewry. In Vichy's first two years, while ambiguity reigned, possibilities to integrate and participate with the New Order endured and Jews were constantly presented with new avenues to probe and explore. After this point, the drastic policy changes fuelled by Prime Minister Pierre Laval and the head of Vichy Police, René Bousquet, coupled with the total occupation of France by German forces in November 1942, reduced the possibilities for coexistence almost to nothing.
This book explores the contours of civic identity in the town of Vichy, France. Over the course of its history, Vichy has been known for three things: its thermal spa resort; its products (especially Vichy water and Vichy cosmetics); and its role in hosting the État Français, France’s collaborationist government in the Second World War. This last association has become an obsession for the residents of Vichy, who feel stigmatized and victimized by the widespread habit of referring to France’s wartime government as the 'Vichy regime'. This book argues that the stigma, victimhood, and decline suffered by Vichyssois are best understood by placing Vichy’s politics of identity in a broader historical context that considers corporate, as well as social and cultural, history.
In this revisionist account of France’s crushing defeat in 1940, a world authority on French history argues that the nation’s downfall has long been misunderstood. Philip Nord assesses France’s diplomatic and military preparations for war with Germany, its conduct of the war once the fighting began, and the political consequences of defeat on the battlefield. He also tracks attitudes among French leaders once defeat seemed a likelihood, identifying who among them took advantage of the nation’s misfortunes to sabotage democratic institutions and plot an authoritarian way forward. Nord finds that the longstanding view that France’s collapse was due to military unpreparedeness and a decadent national character is unsupported by fact. Instead, he reveals that the Third Republic was no worse prepared and its military failings no less dramatic than those of the United States and other Allies in the early years of the war. What was unique in France was the betrayal by military and political elites who abandoned the Republic and supported the reprehensible Vichy takeover. Why then have historians and politicians ever since interpreted the defeat as a judgment on the nation as a whole? Why has the focus been on the failings of the Third Republic and not on elite betrayal? The author examines these questions in a fascinating conclusion.