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Is China always defensive about its sovereignty issues? Does China see sovereignty essentially as 'absolute,' 'Victorian,' or 'Westphalian?' Sow Keat Tok suggests that Beijing has a more nuanced and flexible policy towards 'sovereignty' than previously assumed. By comparing China's changing policy towards Taiwan and Hong Kong, the author relates the role of previous conceptions of the world order in China's conception of modern 'sovereignty', thereby uncovers Beijing's deepest concern when dealing with its sovereignty issues.
On the eve of June 30, Hong Kong was officially passed back to China. This event will mark what Willem van Kemenade sees as the start of an increasingly problematic -- and even dangerous -- reintegration of the old Chinese empire into a new world superpower. Since the early 1980s, investment money has been pouring into China from Hong Kong and trade has escalated at a rocket's pace. A few years later, the same pattern began between China and Taiwan. The combination of Hong Kong/Taiwan management, financial and export know-how with China's inexhaustible pool of cheap labor and land has enabled China in one decade to leap from an impoverished revolutionary state to a major international trading power. This economic boom, in conjunction with the violation of intellectual property rights, systematic tax fraud, and the corruption of the police force, has helped shape the "socialist market economy," China's third way -- and a new mix of old-fashioned Soviet Communism and East Asian capitalism. The formal addition of Hong Kong will add to this mixture the democratic structures set in place by the British. And, as China moves to reclaim Taiwan (the process has already begun), it will be incorporating a rival Chinese sub-nation with a fully election-based political system and a powerful independence movement. Can such a reunified China resist the "spiritual pollution" of democratic values, human rights, and political freedom? Will it become the first depoliticized "corporatist superpower"? What are the prospects that reunification will be peaceful? Van Kemenade's portrait of the true internal power structures of the three Chinas provides our clearest look yet at the fastest-rising new empire in the world today.
This dissertation has two objectives: one, to dispel the "myth" and assumption that China holds on to an "absolute" view of sovereignty, and has arguably acted in accordance to this view; and two, to forward an alternative view of sovereignty as seen through Beijing's eyes. This dissertation argues that China's sovereignty is one which flexibly accommodates, at times voluntarily concedes, different mix of de facto rights according to each respective context and issue. This is attributed to China's historical experiences with the concept, as well as its discourses. When "sovereignty" was introduced into Chinese thinking, the result is a "view" of sovereignty which juxtaposed Chinese previous understanding of "supreme authority" with an interpretation of the Western concept of sovereignty. "Sovereignty," in this view, is essentially a de jure construct as its de facto component (or "right of governance") is purposely and effectively detached from the concept to serve the political needs of the regime. It thus approximates one grounded on graded rings of sovereignty, where authority emanates from the core, but each "level of sovereignty" is entrusted to exercise different "right of governance." As long as no overt challenge is posed to the idea that a single, de jure sovereignty-- more specifically understood as a nominal "supreme authority" --resides in Beijing, this Chinese view of sovereignty is upheld. A "light" constructivist approach which explores the relationship between norms, ideational structures, agency and "discursive formations" is applied to the case studies of Hong Kong (and Macao) and Taiwan to support the arguments in this dissertation. Chinese discourses on "sovereignty" were examined in details through analysing a large sample size of Chinese academic writings from 1980 till 2008, in addition to policy documents and announced official positions of the Chinese leadership. This is further augmented by analyses of Beijing's policy behaviours towards, in particular, Hong Kong's autonomy and Taiwan's international space.
The authors treat the interactive process between the mainland, Taiwan, and Hong Kong as a convenient organising framework to describe the economic, social, and communicative intercourse between the "core" Chinese entities -- mainly the mainland, Taiwan, and Hong Kong -- as well as the Chinese communities in other countries. The interactions between various Chinese entities are defined here as an informal, spontaneous, and interactive process incorporating a deeper cultural cohesion and a complex relationship across formal political boundaries, and sometimes well beyond official anticipation and regulation.
Prepared by the East Asian Institute, NUS, which promotes research on East Asian developments particularly the political, economic and social development of contemporary China (including Hong Kong and Taiwan), this series of research reports is intended for policy makers and readers who want to keep abreast of the latest developments in China. Yann-Huei Song describes and analyses the evolution of the South China Sea Workshops.
This paperback reader provides the student and general reader with easy access to the major issues of the Hong Kong transition crisis. Contributors include both editors, as well as Frank Ching, Berry F. Hsu, Reginald Yin-wang Kwok, Peter Kwong, Julian Y.M. Leung, Ronald Skeldon, Alvin Y. So, Yun-wing Sung, and James T.H. Tang - the majority of whom live and work in Hong Kong and experience the transition firsthand, personally and professionally.
Is China always defensive about its sovereignty issues? Does China see sovereignty essentially as 'absolute,' 'Victorian,' or 'Westphalian?' Sow Keat Tok suggests that Beijing has a more nuanced and flexible policy towards 'sovereignty' than previously assumed. By comparing China's changing policy towards Taiwan and Hong Kong, the author relates the role of previous conceptions of the world order in China's conception of modern 'sovereignty', thereby uncovers Beijing's deepest concern when dealing with its sovereignty issues.
This title was first published in 2000: The papers in this volume address the issue of Taiwan-Hong Kong-China (PRC) relations in the aftermath of the return of Hong Kong to China. The examine the development of the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong in the light of its return to Chinese sovereignty and compare nationalist with democratic management of PRC-Taiwan relations. They explore Taiwan's emerging democracy and its impact on Taiwan-PRC relations exploring PRC's efforts at reunification. A historical account of Taiwan-Hong Kong relations is provided, including projections for the possible future direction of these relations. Freedom of the press is also examined in the context of PRC-Hong Kong relations, along with a look at the contributing factors in the development of an emerging Taiwanese identity and a study of the implication of the reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese rule for Taiwan, PRC and the Asia-Pacific region as a whole.
The return of Hong Kong to China in July 1997 has the potential to benefit China's rapidly expanding economy. China's handling of the transition will have enormous implications for her international standing. This is the first study to analyse the serious problems and real opportunities that the return of the colony poses to China's international status. Examining the relationships between Greater China, Hong Kong and the West, Hong Kong: China's Challenge explores the challenges that Chinese policy makers face up to 1997 and beyond: the clash of political cultures; handling problematic negotiations; dealing with conflicting economic interests. The book concludes by suggesting that a laissez faire approach to the lucrative Hong Kong markets will ensure that China harnesses the full political and economic benefits of sovereignty over the colony.