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Author : Michael E. Brown Publisher : MIT Press Page : 420 pages File Size : 38,30 MB Release : 1996-05-10 Category : Political Science ISBN : 9780262522137
Are democracies less likely to go to war than other kinds of states? This question is of tremendous importance in both academic and policy-making circles and one that has been debated by political scientists for years. The Clinton administration, in particular, has argued that the United States should endeavor to promote democracy around the world. This timely reader includes some of the most influential articles in the debate that have appeared in the journal International Security during the past two years, adding two seminal pieces published elsewhere to make a more balanced and complete collection, suitable for classroom use.
Kozhemiakin examines the impact of democratization on the foreign policy of transitional regimes. On the basis of the case studies of four currently democratizing nations (Russia, Ukraine, Serbia and Hungary) and a quantitative analysis of several dozen contemporary and historical cases of democratization, the book challenges the frequently made assumption that international peace is invariably strengthened by the process of democratization.
Shaped by often very dramatic events, international security and the international system have changed significantly in recent years. The conclusion of the Cold War, the emergence of new political systems, the growth of significant threats such as terrorism, and the development of new security doctrines have driven global transformation. These volumes provide detailed information on countries from every geographic region and continent on the globe, evaluating their relationship with the United States and measuring the potential security threats posed by each. The contributors consider factors such as geography and history; the political systems of each state; their human rights records; the ability to maintain law and order and provide security within their own borders; the impact of current administrations, rulers, or regimes on a nation's foreign policy; and the regional factors that often dictate local politics, in order to make their assessments. All of the entries in this set follow a standardized outline and present a concise, but detailed assessment of each country. Each entry begins with a discussion of geography through which the contributors identify the state's natural resources, environmental issues, and the extent of its territorial jurisdiction. The focus then shifts to social and political organizations. Populations are broken down by not only numbers, but by ethnic and religious affilitations, access to health care, education, housing, and income. All of those aspects are often a reflection of the system of government in place. Like the United States, those governments are comprised of different parties or leaders with various interests. The contributors assess those entities and interests within each country. They measure the ways in which factors of religion, nationalism, and globalism impact and shape not only domestic policies but also foreign policy, and, ultimately, the country's relationship to the United States. Other areas, such as military organizations and activities, records on human rights and justice (recognition of and adherence to international conventions), and national attitudes towards security are also considered. Every entry also includes an assessment of current and potential security issues and an analysis of current terrorist threats that may already be in place or that are beginning to develop in various nations. Each entry concludes with a summary of current relationships with the United States. Those relationships are defined by the indentification and brief analysis of formal trade, aid, or military treaties in place between the United States and other nations, the general attitude of a nation's citizenry and its government towards the U.S., and, finally, indentifying any social and cultural links between nations and the U.S. (migration patterns, language, economies). Finally, possible changes and trends that will impact security issues are identified by the contributors. Taken in their entirety, these encyclopedias contain a wealth of information in a concise format that will serve as a valuable reference guide not only for specialists, but general readers as well.
Democracies are extremely unlikely to wage war against other democracies – this main proposition of the Democratic Peace theory constitutes the starting point for this volume. Chapters authored by experts from different parts of the world explore the concept of Democratic Peace in greater depth in relation to selected issue areas and in comparison to other concepts such as security communities or concerts of powers. The role and significance of international organizations and gender equality, for instance, are discussed and assessed in this context. The objective guiding this exercise is to give an answer to the question as to whether Democratic Peace and the other two concepts – i.e. security communities and concerts of powers – can provide a solution to today’s security challenges and constitute a guide to peaceful co-existence and conflict settlement. So, the chapters discuss intellectual frameworks at some length, at the same time, reflecting on potential inferences for the outside world and highlighting associated challenges, limits, or even possible adverse implications.
This handbook explores how democracies around the world seek to balance democratic values with the requirement to protect their citizens from the threat of politically motivated violence. Over the past few decades, the majority of the world’s democracies have had to confront serious security threats, and in many instances these challenges have not come from rival states but from violent groups. This volume offers readers an overview of how some democracies have responded to such threats. It examines the extent to which authorities have felt compelled to modify laws to evade what would ordinarily be regarded as protected rights, such as personal privacy, freedom of movement and freedom of speech. Grounded in historical analysis, each of the sections addresses past and emerging security threats; legal and legislative responses to them; successful and unsuccessful efforts to reconcile democracy and security; and a range of theoretical questions. The case studies provided vary in terms of the durability of their democratic systems, level of economic development and the severity of the threats with which they have been confronted. The volume is divided into three thematic parts: Strong democracies: United States, Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Australia, New Zealand and Israel Challenged democracies: India, South Africa, Brazil, Argentina and Romania Fragile democracies: the Philippines and Nigeria. This book will be of much interest to students of democracy, security studies, political philosophy, Asian politics, Middle Eastern politics, African politics, West European politics and IR in general.
Domínguez has drawn together fifteen leading scholars on international relations and comparative politics from Latin America, the Caribbean, and the United States, thus bringing to bear varying national perspectives from several corners of the hemisphere to analyze the intersection between regional security issues and the democracy building process in Latin America.
Tackles questions on how democracies can deliver social and economic rights, include all citizens in decision making and reduce poverty. This new publication is a two-volume set that explores ways in which democratic practice can contribute to the management of contemporary conflicts and promote the realization of security and development objectives. Volume I contains analysis and recommendations based on wide-ranging research and evaluation of lessons learned from democratization processes, past and ongoing. Volume II presents essays and case studies by leading specialists from around the world that further develop the themes and findings presented in Volume I. Democracy, Conflict and Human Security argues that effective democracy building moves beyond the process of elections and technical assistance and examines how democratic practice relates to human security. Governments may hold free elections but fall short in other democratic measures such as the separation of powers, the freedom of the press, and guarantees of human rights. These two volumes are aimed at practitioners, parliamentarians, politicians, government officials and policy makers concerned with problems such as social exclusion, the quality of democracy and new forms of authoritarian regimes.
This volume examines the investigation by the 1975 Senate Select Committee (‘Church Committee’) into US intelligence abuses during the Cold War, and considers its lessons for the current ‘war on terror’. This report remains the most thorough public record of America’s intelligence services, and many of the legal boundaries operating on US intelligence agencies today are the direct result of reforms proposed by the Church Committee, including the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. The Church Committee also drew attention to the importance of constitutional government as a Congressional body overseeing the activities of the Executive branch. Placing the legacy of the Church Committee in the context of the contemporary debate over US national security and democratic governance, the book brings together contributions from distinguished policy leaders and scholars of law, intelligence and political science.
Does the spread of democracy really contribute to international peace? Successive U. S. administrations have justified various policies intended to promote democracy not only by arguing that democracy is intrinsically good but by pointing to a wide range of research concluding that democracies rarely, if ever, go to war with one another. To promote democracy, the United States has provided economic assistance, political support, and technical advice to emerging democracies in Eastern and Central Europe, and it has attempted to remove undemocratic regimes through political pressure, economic sanctions, and military force. In Electing to Fight, Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder challenge the widely accepted basis of these policies by arguing that states in the early phases of transitions to democracy are more likely than other states to become involved in war. Drawing on both qualitative and quantitative analysis, Mansfield and Snyder show that emerging democracies with weak political institutions are especially likely to go to war. Leaders of these countries attempt to rally support by invoking external threats and resorting to belligerent, nationalist rhetoric. Mansfield and Snyder point to this pattern in cases ranging from revolutionary France to contemporary Russia. Because the risk of a state's being involved in violent conflict is high until democracy is fully consolidated, Mansfield and Snyder argue, the best way to promote democracy is to begin by building the institutions that democracy requires—such as the rule of law—and only then encouraging mass political participation and elections. Readers will find this argument particularly relevant to prevailing concerns about the transitional government in Iraq. Electing to Fight also calls into question the wisdom of urging early elections elsewhere in the Islamic world and in China.
Hegemony and Democracy is constructed around the question of whether hegemony is sustainable, especially when the hegemon is a democratic state. The book draws on earlier publications over Bruce Russett’s long career and features new chapters that show the continuing relevance of his scholarship. In examining hegemony during and after the Cold War, it addresses: The importance of domestic politics in the formulation of foreign policy; The benefits and costs of seeking security through military power at the expense of expanding networks of shared national and transnational institutions; The incentives of other states to bandwagon with a strong but unthreatening hegemon and 'free-ride' on benefits it may provide rather than to balance against a powerful hegemon. The degree to which hegemony and democracy undermine or support each other. By applying theories of collective action and foreign policy, Russett explores the development of American hegemony and the prospects for a democratic hegemon to retain its influence during the coming decades. This collection is an essential volume for students and scholars of International Relations, American Politics, and US Foreign Policy.