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The dissertation explores the current phenomenon of high profile withdrawal from multilateral agreements, understanding and enhancing commitment to multilateralism under the lens of international law and global governance.Withdrawals from multilateral treaties have unleashed a new period of upheaval in the world order. We are living in a time where counties are making high-profile withdrawals from multilateral agreements. Brexit, the Paris Agreement, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), and many others suggest a trend of countries disengaging from international cooperation as domestic conditions change. In the age of withdrawal, is there still any room for international law to regulate the rules of the game or will ex post facto decisions overturn the current architecture of a multilateral global order? The author aims to create a map for the phenomenon of withdrawal, in order to understand the reasons and the consequences of this emerging trend in foreign policy. Pictured in its socio-political milieu, withdrawal represents a way to reestablish the status quo in the world order, as it was ex ante globalization. The dissertation looks at the factors that give rise to long-term commitments and techniques to manage the risk of withdrawal. Based on quantitative and qualitative studies, it shed lights on the reasons that lead countries to exit, and identifies the conditions necessary to maintain commitment. Grounded on the principle pacta sunt servanda, the analysis demonstrates how States' commitment vis-a-vis ex post facto decisions can make international law still matter.
The legal procedure through which the United States withdraws from treaties and other international agreements has been the subject of long-standing debate between the legislative and executive branches. Recently, questions concerning the role of Congress in the withdrawal process have arisen in response to President Donald J. Trump's actions related to certain high-profile international commitments. This report outlines the legal framework for withdrawal from international agreements under domestic and international law, and it applies that framework to two pacts that may be of significance to the 115th Congress: the Paris Agreement on climate change and the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) related to Iran's nuclear program. Although the Constitution sets forth a definite procedure whereby the Executive has the power to make treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate, it is silent as to how treaties may be terminated. Moreover, not all agreements between the United States and foreign nations take the form of Senate-approved, ratified treaties. The President also enters into executive agreements, which do not receive the Senate's advice and consent, and "political commitments" that are not binding under domestic or international law. The legal procedure for withdrawal often depends on the type of agreement at issue, and the process may be further complicated when Congress has enacted legislation to give the international agreement domestic legal effect. On June 1, 2017, President Trump announced that he intends to withdraw the United States from the Paris Agreement-a multilateral, international agreement intended to reduce the effects of climate change. Historical practice suggests that, because the Obama Administration considered the Paris Agreement to be an executive agreement that did not require the Senate's advice and consent, the President potentially may claim authority to withdraw without seeking approval from the legislative branch. By its terms, however, the Paris Agreement does not allow parties to complete the withdrawal process until November 2020, and Trump Administration officials have stated that the Administration intends to follow the multiyear withdrawal procedure. Consequently, absent additional action by the Trump Administration, the United States will remain a party to the Paris Agreement until November 2020, albeit one that has announced its intent to withdraw once it is eligible to do so. The Trump Administration has not withdrawn the United States from the JCPOA, but the President has stated he intends do so unless the plan of action is renegotiated. When the Obama Administration concluded the JCPOA, it treated the plan of action as a non-binding political commitment. To the extent this understanding is correct, President Trump's ability to withdraw from the JCPOA would not be restricted by international or domestic law. However, some observers have suggested that U.N. Security Council Resolution 2231 subsequently converted at least some provisions in the JCPOA into obligations that are binding under international law. As a result, withdrawal from the JCPOA could implicate a complex debate over the plan of action's status in international law. As a matter of domestic law, the President and Congress have authority to reassert sanctions lifted pursuant to U.S. pledges made in the JCPOA if they deem the reinstitution of such sanctions to be appropriate, even if such action resulted in a violation of international law. Several possible domestic legal avenues exist to re-impose sanctions, some of which would involve joint action by the President and the legislative branch, and others that would involve decisions made by the President alone.
Withdrawal from Multilateral Treaties is the first comprehensive and systematic legal analysis of withdrawal. It examines the political and legal framework around treaty making to explain how withdrawal evolved over time and suggests ways to improve conditions for orderly withdrawal.
This book explores how the law of treaty withdrawal operates. Many commentators have observed a wider sense of crisis in international law as governments of different ideological stripes withdraw or threaten to withdraw from international organisations and treaties. There are different political forces behind all of these cases, but they all use the same basic device in international law a treaty withdrawal clause. This book focuses on withdrawal clauses within multilateral treaties, providing a detailed overview of their operation, drawing on a range of case studies including Brexit, nuclear weapons treaties and investment arbitration agreements. The obligations a withdrawal clause places on a withdrawing state help regulate the withdrawal process, providing a notional form of stability. Using insights from international relations theory and legal theory, this book unpacks how and why the law of withdrawal operates and what its limitations are.
Author : American Bar Association. House of Delegates Publisher : American Bar Association Page : 216 pages File Size : 30,43 MB Release : 2007 Category : Law ISBN : 9781590318737
The Model Rules of Professional Conduct provides an up-to-date resource for information on legal ethics. Federal, state and local courts in all jurisdictions look to the Rules for guidance in solving lawyer malpractice cases, disciplinary actions, disqualification issues, sanctions questions and much more. In this volume, black-letter Rules of Professional Conduct are followed by numbered Comments that explain each Rule's purpose and provide suggestions for its practical application. The Rules will help you identify proper conduct in a variety of given situations, review those instances where discretionary action is possible, and define the nature of the relationship between you and your clients, colleagues and the courts.
Aims to provide a useful analytical tool and practical guidance on good treaty practice. It will be of interest to those working with treaties and treaty procedures in governments, international organisations, and legal practice, as well as legal academics and students wishing to gain insight into the realities of treaty practice.
The chapters in this book are reworkings of presentations given during a conference held in 2018 at the German Embassy to the Netherlands in The Hague on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the adoption of the Rome Statute. They provide an in-depth analysis of major points of contention the International Criminal Court (ICC) is currently facing, such as, inter alia, head of state immunities, withdrawal from the Rome Statute, the exercise of jurisdiction vis-à-vis third-party nationals, the activation of the Court’s jurisdiction regarding the crime of aggression, as well as the relationship of the Court with both the Security Council and the African Union, all of which are issues that have a continued relevance and carry a particular controversy. The collection provides insights from both practitioners, including judges of the ICC, and diplomats who participated in the negotiations leading to the adoption of the Rome Statute, as well as well-known academics from various parts of the world working in the field of international criminal law. The aim of the book is not only to inform and stimulate academic debate on the topic, but also to serve as an instrument for lawyers involved in the practice of international criminal law. Gerhard Werle is Professor at the Faculty of Law of the Humboldt-University in Berlin, Germany and Andreas Zimmermann is Professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Potsdam in Germany. Jürgen Bering, who worked on this book as assistant editor, is an Associate at Dentons, Berlin and a PhD candidate at the Martin Luther University, Halle-Wittenberg, Germany.