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This book analyzes the effects of economic, social, and political disruptions that have come with integration into the global economy for countries in five different regions and the developing world as a whole. One consequence of such disruptions is increased levels of terrorism in many countries. In addition, the effects of terrorism on economic activities were measured. Although the patterns vary for the regions, there is no doubt that connections exist. Political links with outside countries have mitigated some of the negative consequences of entering into greater contact with other countries. There is less evidence that the increased terrorism from these disruptions has had negative effects on foreign investment and tourism. This volume will provide essential materials for researchers and students interested in the connections between globalization and terrorism and between terrorism and accompanying negative economic consequences.
The Economic Repercussions of Terrorism offers a theoretical overview of the economics of terrorism and provides a detailed evaluation of the costs of terrorist attacks, focusing in particular on the Madrid bombings of 2004, but also including comparisons with 9/11 and the London bombings of 7/7. Divided into three parts, Part One offers a theoretical overview of the economics of terrorism including an analysis of the roots of terrorism, terrorist financing, the economic consequences of terrorism, and the predatory war economy. Part Two provides an in-depth analysis of the direct and indirect economic costs of terrorist attacks, looking at the security and defence responses, and offering industry sector analyses. Part Three explores the 'other costs' of terrorism, such as the impact of attacks on a government's popularity, and the possibility that terrorists use 'inside information' on attacks to play the stock market.
This edited collection seeks to address and analyse the ramifications of terrorism and terrorist activities at a world-level, with a specific focus on the economies and political systems in the Afro-Asian regions.
To what extent are terrorism and development related? What are the relative weights of the economic, political, and social aspects of development? What is the development impact of different responses to terrorism? This volume addresses these crucial questions, synthesizing what we know about the development links with terrorism and pointing out what we do not. Contributors to this volume examine the economic and fiscal costs of terrorism and the response to terrorism. They conclude that the economic costs of terrorism in rich countries are low, relative to the economic costs of combating terrorism; both are likely high in poor countries. They also report evidence on how development affects terrorism. This work supports the hypothesis that political development - political openness and the quality of government - is inversely associated with the emergence of terrorist organizations, but not that poverty per se is directly responsible for terrorism.
Abstract: The authors offer a general analytical framework illustrating the complex two-way interactions between trade and transnational terrorism. Then they survey the recent economic literature in light of this framework by pointing to the importance in empirical studies of (1) controlling appropriately for theses interactions, (2) distinguishing between "source" countries and "target" countries of terrorism, and (3) taking into account the intertemporal persistence of terrorism between specific pairs of countries.
Economist and best-selling author Loretta Napoleoni traces the link between the finances of the war on terror and the global economic crisis, finding connections from Dubai to London to Las Vegas that politicians and the media have at best ignored. In launching military and propaganda wars in the Middle East, America overlooked the war of economic independence waged by Al-Qaeda. The Patriot Act boosted the black market economy, and the war on terror prompted a rise in oil prices that led to food riots and distracted governments from the trillion-dollar machinations of Wall Street. Consumers and taxpayers, spurred by propaganda fears, were lured into crushing global debt. Napoleoni shows that if we do not face up to the many serious connections between our response to 9/11 and the financial crisis, we will never work our way out of the looming global recession that now threatens our way of life. While we feared that Al-Qaeda might destroy our world, Wall Street ripped it apart.
The tragedy of September 11, 2001 was so sudden and devastating that it may be difficult at this point in time to write dispassionately and objectively about its effects on the U.S. economy. This retrospective review will attempt such an undertaking. The loss of lives and property on 9/11 was not large enough to have had a measurable effect on the productive capacity of the United States even though it had a very significant localized effect on New York City and, to a lesser degree, on the greater Washington, D.C. area. Thus, for 9/11 to affect the economy it would have had to have affected the price of an important input, such as energy, or had an adverse effect on aggregate demand via such mechanisms as consumer and business confidence, a financial panic or liquidity crisis, or an international run on the dollar. It was initially thought that aggregate demand was seriously affected, for while the existing data showed that GDP growth was low in the first half of 2001, data published in October showed that GDP had contracted during the 3rd quarter. This led to the claim that "The terrorist attacks pushed a weak economy over the edge into an outright recession." We now know, based on revised data, this is not so. At the time of 9/11 the economy was in its third consecutive quarter of contraction; positive growth resumed in the 4th quarter. This would suggest that any effects from 9/11 on demand were short lived. While this may be true, several events took place before, on, and shortly after 9/11, that made recovery either more rapid than it might have been or made it possible to take place. First, the Federal Reserve had eased credit during the first half of 2001 to stimulate aggregate demand. The economy responds to policy changes with a lag in time. Thus, the public response may have been felt in the 4th quarter giving the appearance that 9/11 had only a limited effect. Second, the Federal Reserve on and immediately after 9/11 took appropriate action to avert a financial panic and liquidity shortage. This was supplemented by support from foreign central banks to shore up the dollar in world markets and limited the contagion of 9/11 from spreading to other national economies. Nevertheless, U.S. trade with other countries, especially Canada, was disrupted. While oil prices spiked briefly, they quickly returned to their pre-9/11 levels. Thus, it can be argued, timely action contained the short run economic effects of 9/11 on the overall economy. Over the longer run 9/11 will adversely affect U.S. productivity growth because resources are being and will be used to ensure the security of production, distribution, finance, and communication.
The Political Economy of Terrorism presents a widely accessible political economy approach to the study of terrorism. It applies economic methodology – theoretical and empirical – combined with political analysis and realities to the study of domestic and transnational terrorism. In so doing, the book provides both a qualitative and quantitative investigation of terrorism in a balanced up-to-date presentation that informs students, policy makers, researchers and the general reader of the current state of knowledge. Included are historical aspects, a discussion of watershed events, the rise of modern-day terrorism, examination of current trends, the dilemma of liberal democracies, evaluation of counterterrorism, analysis of hostage incidents and much more. The new edition expands coverage of every chapter, adds a new chapter on terrorist network structures and organization, accounts for changes in the Department of Homeland Security and the USA Patriot Act and insurance against terrorism. Rational-actor models of terrorist and government behavior and game-theoretic analysis are presented for readers with no prior theoretical training. Where relevant, the authors display graphs using data from International Terrorism: Attributes of Terrorist Events (ITERATE), the Global Terrorism Database (GTD), and other public-access data sets.
Courageously stepping into charged terrain, this book casts a clear light on globalization and terrorism for what they are, not what some may wish them to be. Jamal R. Nassar carefully defines these twin concepts, placing them in historical as well as political context. Woven throughout the book is his central theme of the migration of dreams and nightmares. As some are able to take advantage of the opportunities of globalization, leaving others behind, they leave behind a legacy of unrealistic dreams. These unfulfilled hopes of the poor and oppressed often transform themselves into nightmares for the wealthy and powerful. This vicious cycle, the author argues, is often enhanced by globalization and effected by terrorism. Focusing on the key case studies of Palestine and Northern Ireland, Nassar applies their lessons to other examples of conflict including Iraq, Afghanistan, the Congo, Chechnya, and Colombia in order to internationalize our understanding of how globalization and terrorism operate in a range of situations. He also devotes a chapter to Islamist terrorism in a tour de force of incisiveness and balance. This book considers globalization and terrorism not only from the perspective of the major powers, but also introduces the views of those dominated by forces beyond their control. Yet even as the author offers a profound critique of Western hegemony, he conveys respect and hope for an enlightened global interdependence—embracing the power of the dream over the nightmare.