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Contents: (1) Intro.; (2) Central Asia¿s (CA) External Security Context; (3) Security Problems and Progress: Islamic Extremism and Terrorism; Terrorist Activities; Attacks in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan; Incursions into Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan; Civil War in Tajikistan; Border Tensions; Crime and Corruption; Economic and Defense Security; The Collective Security Treaty Org.; Water Resources; Energy and Transport; Illegal Narcotics Production, Use, and Trafficking; (4) Implications for U.S. Interests: Reactions to U.S.-Led Coalition Actions in Iraq; Military Coop.; Closure of Karshi-Khanabad; Emphasis on Kazakhstan as Strategic Partner; Manas Airbase in Kyrgyzstan; Counter-Narcotics Aid; (5) Issues for Congress: Should the U.S. Play a Prominent Role in CA?
The Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) face common security challenges from crime, corruption, terrorism, and faltering commitments to economic and democratic reforms. Security in the region is likely in the near term to vary by country, since cooperation among them remains halting. Kyrgyzstan s and Tajikistan s futures are most clouded by ethnic and regional tensions, and corruption in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan could spoil benefits from the development of their ample energy resources. Authoritarianism and poverty in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan could contribute to succession crises. Kyrgyzstan s emerging civil society may help the relatively small nation to safeguard its independence, and Turkmenistan s ethnic homogeneity could put it in good stead, but both contain fractious regions and clans. Uzbekistan could become a regional power able to take the lead on policy issues common to Central Asia and to resist undue influence from more powerful outside powers, because of its large territory and population (57 million) and energy and other resources. However, tensions between Uzbekistan and other Central Asian states stymy regional cooperation.
The Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) face common security challenges from crime, corruption, terrorism, and faltering commitments to economic and democratic reforms. However, cooperation among them remains halting, so security in the region is likely in the near term to vary by country. Kyrgyzstan's and Tajikistan's futures are most clouded by ethnic and territorial tensions, and corruption in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan could spoil benefits from the development of their ample energy resources. Authoritarianism and poverty in Uzbekistan could contribute to a succession crisis. On the other hand, Kyrgyzstan's beleaguered civil society might eventually help the relatively small nation safeguard its independence. Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan might become regional powers able to champion policy solutions to common Central Asian problems and to resist undue influence from more powerful outside powers, because of their large territories and populations and energy and other resources. Internal political developments in several bordering or close-by states may have a large impact on Central Asian security. These developments include a more authoritarian and globalist Russia, an economically growing China, instability in Iran and the South Caucasus region, and re-surging drug production and Islamic extremism in Afghanistan. After the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States, the former Bush Administration established bases and other military access in the region to support U.S.-led coalition operations in Afghanistan. The Obama Administration has highlighted U.S. interests in such continued access as well as the long-term security and stability of the region. U.S. interests in Central Asia include combating terrorism, drug production, and trafficking; assisting the development of oil and other resources; and fostering democratization, human rights, free markets, and trade. The United States also seeks to thwart dangers posed to its security by the illicit transfer of strategic missile, nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons technologies, materials, and expertise to terrorist states or groups, and to address threats posed to regional independence by Iran. Some critics counter that the United States has historically had few interests in this region, and advocate only limited U.S. contacts undertaken with Turkey and other friends and allies to ensure U.S. goals. They also urge these friends and allies to enhance their energy security by taking the lead in the development of diverse export routes for Central Asia's energy resources. Congress has continued to debate the balance between U.S. security interests in the region and interests in democratization and the protection of human rights.
Contents: (1) Most Recent Developments; (2) Historical Background; (3) Overview of U.S. Policy Concerns: Post-9/11 and Afghanistan; Support for Oper. Iraqi Freedom; (4) Fostering Pro-Western Orientations: Russia¿s Role; (5) Obstacles to Peace and Independence: Regional Tensions and Conflicts: The 1992-1997 Civil War in Tajikistan; The Incursions into Kyrgyzstan; Attacks in Uzbekistan; The 2005 Violence in Andijon, Uzbekistan; The Summer 2009 Suicide Bombings and Attacks in Uzbekistan; Actions of the IMU and IJU in Pakistan and Afghanistan; Actions of the IMU and IJU in Germany and Elsewhere; (6) Human Rights and Democratization; (7) Security and Arms Control; (8) Trade and Invest.; Energy Resources; (9) U.S. Aid; (10) Legislation.
China, Iran, Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan are critical players in the security and economic issues that will determine the future of Central Asia and affect U.S. interests in the region. By assessing the developing relations between Central Asia and its neighbors, it is evident that each country stands to benefit from stability and economic growth in Central Asia, but opinion toward U.S. presence and policy in the region could be a point of conflict.
This volume is the first comprehensive scholarly analysis of the strategic reconfiguration of Central Asia as Russia has become more disengaged from the nations in the region and as these nations have developed new relations to the south, east, and west. The international implications are enormous because of the rich energy sources—oil and natural gas—located in the Caspian Sea area. The authors assess a variety of internal security policy challenges confronting these states—for example, the potential for conflict arising from such factors as a mixed ethnic population, resource scarcity, particularly in relation to water management, and an Islamic revival. They also examine the security policy content of relations between the Central Asian states and regional and international powers—specifically the stakes, interests, and policies of Russia, China, Iran, Turkey, and the United States. These internal challenges and the evolution of relations with external powers may result in new cooperative relationships, but they may also lead to destabilizing rivalry and interstate enmity in Central Asia. It is important to identify new patterns of relevance for future security cooperation in the region, but the potential for a new security system or for new institutions to manage security in the region remains uncertain. These issues are explored by a team of prominent specialists from Western Europe, the United States, Russia and China.
Author : Stephen Blank Publisher : Strategic Studies Institute U. S. Army War College Page : 64 pages File Size : 33,43 MB Release : 2007 Category : History ISBN :
The author assesses the interests of the United States in Central Asia and the challenges to them. These challenges consist of the revival of the Taliban, Russo-Chinese efforts to oust U.S. strategic presence from the area, and the possibility of internal instability generated by the regression of local regimes form democratizing and liberalizing policies. The author then recommends policies designed to meet those challenges to American policy in this increasingly more important area of the world.
Central Asia's importance to the U.S. is rooted in the following three facts: its proximity to Afghanistan and thus the seat of the Taliban and Al-Qaida that have attacked us and will do so again; its proximity to key states like Russia, Iran and China, and the Indian subcontinent; and its large energy deposits which are becoming critical for Europe. These facts have led every administration since 1993 to advance broad geostrategic goals for Central Asia. This book explores the Central Asian country backgrounds of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Also discussed are the challenges and opportunities for the Obama Administration in Central Asia; Central Asian security issues and U.S. policy in Central Asia.
As Secretary of State Colin Powell told the House International Relations Committee in February 2002, the United States "will have a continuing interest and presence in Central Asia of a kind that we could not have dreamed of before." After providing background on the development of U.S. security interests in Central Asia, this monograph examines post-9/1 1 trends in U.S. policy and military engagement. In the 1990s the United States initiated military engagement with Central Asia to support the region's integration with western political-military institutions, as well as to protect the sovereignty and independence of these states, assist them to improve their border security against transnational threats, encourage them to adopt market-oriented reform and democratization, and ensure access to energy resources in the region. U.S. military cooperation expanded rapidly with Central Asian states in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 due to the framework of relations that had been built piecemeal in the 1990s. For the first time the United States acquired temporary basing in this region in response to a changing security environment, as Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan became frontline states in Operation ENDURING FREEDOM. Anti-terrorism became the central focus of U.S. policy in the region, although other goals still remain important.